Former Vice President Mike Pence: “I’m not going to support Trump, but I could never vote for Biden”

Mike Pence was the second most powerful man in the United States along with what for many has been one of the most dangerous men in the world during his stay in the White House, Donald Trump. The former Republican vice president (Columbus, 64 years old) ended up distancing himself from the tycoon turned politician, a fracture that became a breach after the assault on the Capitol on January 6, 2021 by Trump’s followers who did not accept their defeat at the hands of Joe Biden.

Pence, an ultra-conservative Christian who rejected pressure from today’s new presidential candidate not to certify the Democrat’s victory, has abandoned his own attempt to reach the White House and has made it clear that he will not support Trump in his campaign. Even so, in a brief meeting with Morning Express in Brussels, he assures that he does not regret his mandate and that he continues to think that the Republican Party should return to power and reaffirm “American leadership” in the world, as he calls him. He asks for trust in his country, despite everything.

“I don’t think it was a surprise that, given the differences we had, I’m not going to support Donald Trump in this election. But I could never vote for Joe Biden and I will continue to be a voice for what I believe the Republican Party should be. I will let every American vote according to his conscience. I will do the same,” explains Pence.

The former vice president spoke briefly with this newspaper during a quick visit this week to the Belgian capital, on the eve of the crucial vote this Saturday in the US House of Representatives on the multimillion-dollar aid package for Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan that Republicans have been blocking for months. Pence, who has publicly asked for its approval, has been confronted time and again in Brussels with Europe’s skepticism and nervousness about the Republican floundering and, also, about Trump’s possible return to the White House.

He has had to listen in forums, interviews and private meetings to questions about the US delay in financial aid, which is making it even more difficult to stop Vladimir Putin’s advance in Ukraine, and concern about Trump’s unveiled threats, which have come to say that he will let Russia “do whatever it wants” with allies who do not pay their NATO dues. Visibly surprised and even annoyed by European doubts about his country, Pence has spared no effort to try to assure traditional allies that they can continue to count on the United States no matter what happens at the North American polls in November.

“Our European allies should trust the Americans,” he also assured this newspaper. “I think most Americans know that we have a unique role as leader of the free world. And although we have challenges at home (…) I think what will be seen this weekend is that the majority of congressmen will support the financing of Ukraine, Israel and Taiwan, and that they will also take a firm position on China forcing it to sell TikTok. They are going to choose to be Churchill, not Chamberlain. And that will reaffirm our commitment as leader of the free world,” he confides.

It is the same message that the ultraconservative conveyed—he believes that Trump has not gone far enough to restrict abortion (he speaks of the “sanctity of human life”)—during a talk by the German Marshall Fund (GMF) think tank. in the Belgian capital on Thursday. He repeated it to European Council President Charles Michel during a private meeting a day later. “I support his call to Congress to send a clear message to the Ukrainian people and the world,” the Belgian replied. “It’s time,” urged the European on social networks, demonstrating European impatience with Washington.

Being received with suspicion in Europe is not new for Pence. As he recalled in the talk at the GMF, his first trip as vice president was to the Munich Security Conference. “I’ve been in warmer refrigerators,” he said with a laugh. Already then, and now, he considers that Europe did not understand the Trump Government’s strategy of pressuring – threatening, some would say – the transatlantic allies to force them to invest more in defense.

“When we came to power, only two NATO countries fulfilled the commitment to spend 2% of their GDP on defense. When we left, many allies were on track to meet or even exceed it,” he highlights in defense of what he calls a “tough love” policy. A strategy, he says, that “laid the foundation for allies to be better prepared to support Ukraine after the Russian invasion.” So, he concludes, “as long as we keep the promises we make to each other, I believe the future of NATO, the future of freedom, is bright.” Even with Trump?

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